The following letter was written in 1991 after Tim Pat
Coogan had published his biography of Collins. He did not reply nor did he
accept the invitation to meet with me. The Béaslaí publication, published in
1926 so soon after the State was founded, was at my suggestion annotated by my father after his
retirement from politics in 1961. The 300 page document which he dictated is
available in the UCD Archives and is a detailed critique of Béaslaí’s biography. Mulcahy was head of the army
during the War of Independence and was a close colleague of Collins who was
Director of Intelligence on GHQ. He was never consulted by Béaslaí despite
Mulcahy’s role as head of the army and his intimate association with Collins
during this time. It was published
without the support of the Free State cabinet and far too early to be accepted
as a reliable and balanced history of the revolutionary period. I have referred
to Béaslaí biography and its shortcoming in several of my publications. Some of
these have persisted to this day
despite later and more objective biographers, such as that of Peter Hart. Déirdre McMahon has also published two critical reviews on
the subject
Michael
Collins, a Biography. Tim Pat Coogan, Hutchinson, London, 1990
A Letter to the
author by Risteárd Mulcahy
Dear Tim Pat,
When Beaslai wrote his life of Collins he generally
made only passing reference to the other members of the general headquarters
staff and then usually in the context of Collin's role. At no time did he
mention GHQ nor did he refer to its formation in March 1918. He did not include
GHQ in the index. Neither did Beaslai consult my father, Sean McMahon or Sean
O'Muirthile during the preparation of the book, although these three were among
the closest to Collins during the war of independence and its aftermath.
Perhaps, in view of its being a personal biography, it is understandable that
Collins's colleagues on the staff did not have a prominent place in the
biography. Although it may have been accepted as such by subsequent writers and
historians, Beaslai's book was not a history of the War of Independence.
Similarly, your own book about Collins did not give
particular prominence to other members of the GHQ staff. Again it can be
asserted that it was a personal biography and did not aim to be a comprehensive
account of the War of Independence. However, when you write about the broader
aspects of the Civil War, as you did in summary form and principally aimed at
an uninformed national and international audience in the recent publication "The
Irish Civil War", I
do not think it is correct that you should claim that Collins had a virtually
exclusive leadership role during the War of Independence and afterwards.
Let me give a few examples from that recent
publication of why I believe your emphasis on Collins gives a skewed impression
of his exclusive military and political roles from 1917 to his death in August 1922.
page 15, para 2: "---,Collins, however, escaped and
pioneered a new type of urban guerrilla warfare,---". Of course he
encouraged guerrilla warfare, both at urban and provincial level, but he was
only one of a number of others, including the provincial leaders and the
members of the GHQ staff generally who were responsible of advocating this
policy. You emphasise the urban aspect of the policy and here you are nearer
the truth but many readers will interpret your comment to mean that Collins
inspired the countrywide policy. Ashbourne preceded the guerrilla tactics as
did the Boers in South Africa.
Page 19, para 1: Collins "reorganized the revolutionary
movement after 1916 ---." He was one of a number of directors appointed by
the volunteer executive in October 1917 and he was a member of the GHQ staff at
its formation in March 1918. He played a major role in reorganisation,
particularly on the intelligence side, but there were others who were equally
responsible for reorganising the revolutionary movement although as
personalities they may have been less visible than he. How can you exclude some
of the other military leaders who were acknowledged to play a very important
part in formulating a policy of resistance and who participated in conducting
the war of independence?
Page21, para 4: You
refer here to his network of agents and principal henchmen. You may have
intended his close associates in the Dublin scene when you write about his
principal henchman but this reference will be easily interpreted by readers not
familiar with the personnel leading the army who were equally concerned with the military campaign.
Page22, para 1: "--- Griffith was the nominal
leader but because of his health he asked Collins to lead." This is news
to me. I had always believed and read that Griffith lead the delegation. And
even if it is true that he asked Collins to lead, it was Griffith who met the
British representatives on his own on the evening before the Treaty was signed,
and it was he who said that he would sign, even if his colleagues did not do
so. It was Griffith who made the fateful decision to sign. Both Collins and
Griffith are inextricably linked in relation to the Treaty negotiations and the
Treaty settlement.
Page23, para 2: Apropos of the meeting
between the army and the cabinet on 25 November 1921, you write "De Valera
was checkmated by Collins's IRB supporters amongst the leadership." This
again seems aimed at giving undue prominence to Collins and is quite
misleading. Collins was not at the meeting but the rest of the GHQ staff was
there and their opposition to Dev's proposal was unanimous, irrespective of
whether they were members of the IRB or not. My father made it clear to the
cabinet that he could not continue as chief of staff if Stack were to replace
O'Duffy as assistant chief of staff. Your emphasis would perhaps be
understandable if you were writing specifically about the IRB or about Collins,
but not when you are dealing with the wider history of the time.
Page 23, para 3: Writing of the Treaty negotiations
"---during which Collins constantly visited Dublin, --" For the sake
of completeness it should be said that Griffith also constantly visited Dublin.
Page 29, para 4: "---as the Provisional government, headed
by Griffith and Collins, ---". It is misleading to say that Griffith was
part of the Provisional government, although it is true that he continued to
play an important part in implementing the Treaty up to his death on 12 August
1922. Griffith was not in the provisional cabinet but replaced de Valera as
President of Sinn Féin and head of Dáil Eireann.
Page 38, para 2: Writing of the organisation of the Free State
army you say "This was in large part due to the leadership of Michael
Collins and the unorthodox but effective generalship of his close friend,
Emmett Dalton, ---". It is surely a misleading statement when you ignore
the participation of other senior officers and the minister of defence who were
more involved in the details of the army's organisation than Collins from
January 1922 to the moment Collins rejoined the army on 13 July . And then he
was only six weeks at the head of the force before he was killed on the 22
August.
P260: Writing of
the split in the army at the time of the mutiny, you write "Mulcahy
vehemently opposed this organisation and set up another, rival one". There
is no evidence whatever nor has anyone ever suggested to my knowledge that
Mulcahy was involved in the organisation of the IRB within the Free State
forces. He may have had an inkling of IRB influences at the time, although a
tape recording I made of a conversation between himself and Sean MacEoin about
the IRB would suggest that he knew nothing about his senior officers' role in
revitalising the IRB. The move by
him attributed by you would have been inconsistent with my father's commitment
to the army's constitutional role.
I know that you are a great admirer of Collins.
However, perhaps his greatest admirer and supporter was my father. My memoirs
about my father, which are about to be published, attest to this admiration of
Collins. Dad's writing about Collins, which are extensively quoted in the pages
of his memoirs, confirm the close links they had, the appreciation my father
had of his great organisational abilities in military and political affairs,
and how he, Mulcahy, did everything possible as chief of staff to encourage
Collins in his prominent and vital military role. He thought that the loss of
Griffith and Collins was a major tragedy for the emerging young nation.
I do not think that Collins's great reputation will
suffer in any way if the history of the 1916-1924 period is presented in a
balanced way. Too much attention to one participant to the relative exclusion
of others who need to be acknowledged inevitably gives a skewed picture and
must be construed as a partisan approach. Quite frankly, I do not think that
you are showing the degree of balance which one would expect of an objective
and impartial historian in this latest publication. Perusal of your text might
easily suggest that Collins was the principal subject of your essay. It is
possible that, if an exaggerated and too exclusive a role is attributed to
Collins, it may lead to the attention of the revisionists.
It is not easy for me to write this letter to you
because of my close relationship with the late Richard Mulcahy (who was head of
the army as chief of staff or Minister for health, or at times both) from March
1918 to March 1924) but I expect that we all would like to have the recent
history of this country, which still evokes such interest, recounted as
accurately as possible. If we must differ about certain aspects, such as the
ones I allude to above, it might be best if we were to meet to discuss them
face to face. If you wish to do so, you might call me at the above number. I
would be very glad to invite you to lunch or dinner. A nice claret or a good
Australian Chardonnay might serve to enliven our conversation and might help us
to reach a consensus.
Yours sincerely,
Risteard Mulcahy
13/9/2015
Mulcahy’s role in 1916 and his leadership during the
War of Independence and the Civil War is recorded in the following biographies.
Richard Mulcahy and the founding of the Founding of
the Irish Free State. Maryann Gialanella
Valiulis. 1992
Richard Mulcahy 1886-1971, A Family Memoir, Risteárd
Mulcahy 1999,
RM (25/2/2011)
I have read and not altered the above comments about
Tim Pat Coogan’s biography of Collins. I have in my papers the titles of at
least 40 books about Collins but it is clear that some of these are based on
secondary or tertiary research or on no research of any sort. They are clearly
more often based on commercial
motives rather than historical ones,
and they will continue to be
popular for the public and for travellers in the book shops and the airports.
Risteárd Mulcahy, May 25th, 2015
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