The Roman Catholic Relief Act, 1829 (the
Catholic Emancipation Act) was passed in the House of Commons with the support
of the Liberals, the Whigs and a few Tories. It was opposed by other Tories, by the House of Lords
and particularly by King George 4th. It allowed Catholics in Britain and Ireland to join the
House of Commons and to become members of local authorities and other political
bodies. Daniel O’Connell in his later years had a major influence in pressing
for Catholic emancipation and for the acceptance of Catholics as normal members
of the population. Lord Wellesley who was the brother of the Duke of Wellington
and who had been the Lord Lieutenant in Ireland from 1821 to 1828, had, like
the Duke, worked tirelessly to have the emancipation bill passed.
Bishop John Milner |
Some restrictions were included in the Act.
Catholic clergy could not use titles such as Archbishop or Bishop and Catholics
were entitled to vote only if they satisfied certain standards in terms of
property. The restriction on titles by the Church was ignored and these and other
restrictions were eventually deleted from the Act between 1851 and 1871.
The Irish Ireland rebellion of 1847 and the
Fenian rebellion of 1867 were the only protests in arms during the rest of the
century. They were poorly
organised and easily dealt with by the authorities, not to mention the rebels
own incompetence. There were no
executions and the rebels were either imprisoned or banished to Australia or
other countries abroad, unlike the executions after 1916 which caused such a
nationalist reaction and contributed to the War of Independence and to the Civil War.
Church of St. Nicholas of Myra (without) - 1829 |
I had a particular interest in writing this essay
about the Catholic Emancipation Act. The subsequent spread of secondary education
had a profound effect on Catholics and particularly on my paternal and maternal
parents. The establishment of many Catholic secondary schools, particularly
among the Ursuline, Loreto, Dominican and Mercy orders for women and the
Christian Brothers for men over the next half century created a Catholic middle
class which reached the same standard of education and the same social fabric as
their Protestant brethren. This and the entry of Catholics into local and
national politics and into management made it inevitable that the large Catholic
majority would eventually dominate the affairs of the country. And it is clear
that the great Celtic revival movement on the late 19th century,
initiated largely by the Protestant minority, was gradually joined by Catholic
scholars and writers as education became available to the masses
Church of St. Francis Xavier, Dublin. |
Patrick and Elizabeth Mulcahy with their three eldest children |
The three boys were treated differently by their
father. Despite the fact that my father, Richard, the eldest boy, got one of
the first places in the Intermediate examination in Ireland, his father
insisted that he must leave school and join the Post Office as a learner before
he had entered his last two years in school. He had won an exhibition of 20 pounds a year for the last
two years of his education but his father was in need of the money because of
debt incurred by his family. My father went as a post office learner to Bantry
in West Cork where he was close to Ballingeary, this centre of the West Cork
gaelteacht. He learned to speak excellent Irish and he spent much of his spare
time with the local people and their various social and cultural
activities. Bantry was ten miles
from Ballingeary but not infrequently he walked the distance between the two
villages.
Paddy and Dad, standing. Kitty, Sam and Senan, seated. |
He retired from the Army in January 1922 but
immediately re-joined as Chief of Staff at the end of June with the start of
the Civil War. He remained Chief
of Staff until the end of the Civil War and then spent the rest of his life as
a politician.
Despite my father’s early departure from school, he
remained all his life passionate about learning; he became a fluent Irish
speaker and read much French and French poetry. Among these and other aspects
of learning, he was an inveterate reader all his life, particularly on the
history of the country during the late 19th and early 20th
century, an interest which is evident by the large library of books of the
period which are still in my library.
His
brother, Paddy, joined the British army when he was underage and after his return
from three years as a sapper in the trenches to Ireland he joined the IRA
during the War of Independence and subsequently remained in the National Army. He
became chief of staff in the 1950s, more than 30 years after my father had been
in that role. My other uncle, Sam, the youngest boy, was born just shortly
before his mother’s death. He
became a priest, joined the Cistercian monastery and school in Roscrea and
subsequently travelled to Mid-Lothian in Scotland in 1946 where he set up the
first post-reformation Catholic monastery in Scotland; Perhaps unexpectedly he
was successful in being welcomed by the strong Presbyterian population at the
time and of becoming intimate with the head of the Church of Scotland in terms
of ecumenical activity and of friendship.
My mother Min (top right) with parents, siblings and aunt. |
Mother, perhaps passing on some advice to a newly qualified doctor! |
Two of the four boys, Jack and Michael, remained
farmers in Tomcoole where they had an extensive holding of about 600 acres by
the 1930s. Jim became a doctor qualifying in University College in Dublin. He
attended the GPO as a medical student looking after the occupants during the
1916 Rebellion. The fourth boy,
Martin, became a priest, qualified in Wexford and was in a parish there when he
died young from blood poisoning.
The Ryan family was seriously divided by the Treaty
settlement, particularly Jim who was to remain a close associate of de Valera
and both Kate and Phyllis who had been influenced by Seán T. O’Kelly who was
active in Sinn Féin and who too remained
faithful to de Valera. Nell who had remained in Wexford was fervently anti-Treaty. She was imprisoned and went on hunger strike while my father was head of the
army during the Civil War. He refused her release despite pressure from some of
her siblings! The strike, which she shared with others, was to last 30 days
until they were induced to abandon their suffering, and not thanks to my
father! The split among the Ryan siblings was a disaster at the time but the
worst aspect of the bitterness had diminished after a few years and subsequent
generations of the family were not touched by their differences.
My father’s family had no specific interest in politics
and dad’s involvement in 1916 was not approved of initially by his family. His
father’s reaction to 1916 was said to be ‘’He had much to thank the British for
appointing him postmaster of Ennis’’.
The Ryan sisters were not particularly active during
the rebellion as individuals apart from my mother who was a member of Cumman na
mBan. She established a branch of the Cumann in London while teaching there.
She was closely associated with Seán McDermott, who was one of the signatories
of the 1916 Proclamation and who was executed subsequently. She, with her youngest
sister, Phyllis, acted as messengers to the GPO during Easter Week. McDermott would have married my mother
if he had survived, instead of which she met Richard Mulcahy in 1917, after his
return from prison. They were married in 1919. The Ryans, including my mother,
tended to distance themselves from politics and political contact once they
became married and acquired children.
I must take exception to the bald statement that Protestants have shown no interesting the country's politics and its proceedings since 1922. This implies that there is a sort of apolitical Protestant class in Ireland that is very contrary to my long association with Christ Church Cathedral. I might begin by pointing out that the Church of Ireland celebrates citizenship Sunday each year, which brings together representatives of the political, diplomatic and social agencies in society. A practice I would commend to other denominations.
ReplyDeleteBut more generally, I have never encountered a sense that the Protestant community in Ireland had opted out of politics. Certainly, the silent but remorseless pressure on their faith and culture has contributed greatly to the decline in numbers since independence, but I, for one, did not detect a lack of interest or participation in politics, as evidenced by being well-informed and exercising the right to vote.