This review was originally written on August 7th 2000 and further edited on March 1st 2004.
I have just finished ‘The Strange Death of Liberal
England’ by George Dangerfield, published by Constable in 1936. I had this book
on loan from Paddy Lynch who had a very high opinion of it, particularly
because of the author’s views about Anglo-Irish relations before the Great War.
Dangerfield has a rather florid style but his book, which refers entirely to
the period 1910 to the commencement of the Great War in August 1914, is of
particular interest for three reasons.
He deals in detail with the suffragette movement
which he describes as the women’s rebellion. This movement was inspired by the
widow of a Lancashire barrister. Her name was Emmeline Pankhurst. She was
joined in her campaign by her two daughters, Sylvia and Christabel. The
suffragettes were involved in an extraordinarily wide and violent movement up
to 1914, creating major problems for the then Liberal Government led by
Asquith.
The second theme of the book was the increasing
unionisation of the workers and the widespread and numerous strikes which took
place in Britain during these four years. A prominent part in encouraging the
strikes was played by James Larkin and James Connolly.
The third and perhaps the most important theme of the
book deals with Irish nationalism, and the conflict between the North of
Ireland and the South, and what appeared to be the inevitability of civil war
because of the intransigence of the Northern Loyalists, supported as they were
by Bonar Law and other Tory leaders, and encouraged as they were by the refusal
of the British Army to intervene in the disturbances in the North. The book brings
out the gross weakness of Asquith and the impotence of the Liberal Party in
furthering the Home Rule legislation in the face of Tory and Loyalist
resistance and the insubordination of the army leaders.
One is left with the impression from reading this book
that Britain was facing possible civil war and certainly a serious threat to
its parliamentary system, largely because of the Irish question but also
because of the suffragette movement and the deteriorating labour situation,
particularly in the areas of the mines, transport and the ports. It is quite
clear from the activities of the Unionists in the North that there was little
hope of reconciling the North and South on the issue of Home Rule, and that
partition was inevitable if the Nationalist Irish leaders could be induced to
accept such a solution. Partition
might have been accepted by the South if the two counties of Tyrone and
Fermanagh, with their predominant Catholic populations, had not been included
in the demands of the Northern leaders. Such a solution might have been less
destructive to the long-term outlook of a united Ireland but the Unionists were
unwilling to have their territory reduced to four counties and could rely on
the Tories to support their claim to the larger area.
Dangerfield was a prolific writer. He was born in Berkshire
but he eventually emigrated to America where he became a naturalised citizen.
The book is certainly most interesting and revealing , but may not have been as popular in
Europe as in the United States because of his critical attitude to the
Establishment in Britain and particularly to the Tory Party. He was of the
opinion that the refusal of some of the Tory leaders to accept the decision of
Parliament on the Home Rule issue was little short of treason.
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