Bulmer
Hobson and the Nationalist Movement in Twentieth-Century Ireland, Marnie Hay.
Manchester University Press, Manchester, 2009. pp 275. SB
The following letter was written by me to Marnie Hay, author of the above book, on June 6th 2009.
Dear Marnie,
I have now
finished your biography of Bulmer Hobson. I congratulate you on this excellent
biography, obviously based on the most diligent and detailed research. You said
at the launch that it took you ten years to finish the book. I am not at all
surprised if I am to judge by the extent of the bibliography and the vast
number of references.
You have succeeded well in conveying the personality of your subject. He comes across as an energetic and quite an obsessional character with a compulsion to follow his political and social instincts and at times a reluctance to compromise. He also seemed to have the capacity to accept the frequent slings and arrows of outrageous fortune by retiring, if only temporarily, into the background. We had all heard of him preceding 1916 but in my case at least he had later disappeared from the pages of Irish history.
An important
aspect of your biography was the detailed information you provide about the
many different forces and levels of nationalism which existed and evolved from
the late 19th century up to 1916. I have to confess that up to now I
had far too simplistic a view of these forces although I was aware of the
conflict between some IRB members and Griffith, and the dominant role of the
Irish Parliamentary Party.
I do not
think 1916 could have happened if there had been a greater coherence between
pre-Rising nationalists and if the small minority of separatists had not been
influenced by Clarke and McDermott, and eventually by Pearse and a few others.
How many volunteers would have joined in the 1916 Rising if they had known that
it was the action it proved to be and not simply manoeuvres?
My father
played a crucial part in the Ashbourne action and I doubt if the Fingal Brigade
would have gone on the attack without his initiative and encouragement when, at
the arrival of the heavily armed police force, Ashe thought of retiring. These
facts are well documented and led either Diarmuid O’Hegarty or Denis McCullough
to remark that ‘’Mulcahy was the only person who emerged from 1916 with a
military reputation.’’ He was deeply religious and a man of peace. Would he
have taken part in 1916 if he had known that he would be responsible for the
deaths of nine innocent policemen? I often wonder why he refused to attend when
the President, Seán T. O’Kelly, unveiled the monument celebrating the Ashbourne
event in 1959. Was it the less acceptable aspects of 1916, as recorded by my
father on tape during one of our conversations? It was hardly his poor opinion
of O’Kelly and his concern of being patronised by him. By 1959 he had been
fully reconciled to O’Kelly and, with my mother and family, he had often
visited O’Kelly during the previous 14 years when the latter had been President
of Ireland.
In my biography
of my father, I had this to say:
If
1916 had not occurred, our conception of a nation separate from Britain would
have been accentuated by the strong cultural movement which had much wider
support than the forces of militancy which were unleashed by the Rising. The
cultural revival which was gathering strength from the late 19th
century to the Rising in 1916, added to the political consciousness following
the 1798 centenary celebrations,
had wide community support, from Protestant and Catholic as well as some
of the land-owners and others who had no thought of separatism or even limited
home rule. Yeats, George Russell, Standish O’Grady, Douglas Hyde, Edward
Martyn, Synge, George Moore, Lady Gregory, Pádraig Colum, G.B. Shaw as well as
Griffith and Rooney and the stirrings of Sinn Féin, represented a powerful
force for national revival and
national consciousness which would inevitably have led to a degree of
self-government and separatism which would have satisfied our most ardent
nationalists before 1916 and which would have avoided the disaster of our civil
war and the long-standing and unnatural division of our country.
I might have
added the GAA, Conradh na Gaeilge and the National University among other
progressive influences and the support of the British Irish Secretary, Birrell,
for reasonable Irish aspirations.
Hobson was
certainly insightful in opposing 1916 and in his persistent faith in civil
disobedience and guerrilla warfare, as was proved later during the War of
independence. Without 1916 we would not have had the damaging rhetoric of the
Republic. And his reputation was ill-served by accusations of cowardice. His
correspondence during the early years of the Free State and up to his
retirement was consistent with his restless concern about the wellbeing of
Ireland. He must have had a measure of patience and forbearance to have
encountered so much indifference and opposition to his ideas.
Again, my
congratulations on your seminal contribution to recent Irish history.
Yours
sincerely,
Risteárd
Mulcahy.
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